The PrinceГџ

The PrinceГџ

The PrinceГџ

The PrinceГџ Video

Namespaces The PrinceГџ Talk. A mechanic learns article source his daughter, whom he thinks is at college, has dropped. Then, if he decides to discontinue or limit his generosity, he will be labeled as a miser. Xenophonon the other hand, made exactly the same distinction between types of rulers in the beginning of his Education of Cyrus where he Bitcoin-Live.De that, concerning the knowledge of how to rule human beings, Cyrus the Greathis exemplary prince, was very different "from all other kings, both here who have inherited their thrones from their fathers and those who have gained their crowns by their own efforts". But as Strauss points out, Plato asserts that there is a higher type of life, and Machiavelli does not seem to accept. Machiavelli begins this chapter by addressing how mercy can be misused which will harm the prince and his dominion. Roman emperors, on the other hand, had not only the majority and Bitcoin-Live.De minority, but also a cruel and greedy military, who created extra problems because they demanded. On this matter, Strauss —23 gives evidence that Machiavelli may have seen himself as having learned something from DemocritusEpicurus article source classical materialism visit web page, which was however not associated with political realism, or even any interest in politics. Gilbert supposed the need Bitcoin-Live.De discuss conquering free republics is linked to Machiavelli's project to unite Italy, which contained some free republics. More importantly, and less traditionally, he distinguishes new princedoms from hereditary established princedoms. He ends by stating that a prince should not shrink from being cruel if it means that it will keep his subjects in line. Go here the troops of the prince, continue reading is absolutely necessary to keep a large garrison united and a prince should not mind the thought of cruelty in that regard. Action Comedy Crime.

Sign In. Keep track of everything you watch; tell your friends. Full Cast and Crew. Release Dates. Official Sites. Company Credits.

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Rate This. When his daughter is kidnapped, a retired assassin is drawn back into the life he gave up.

To rescue her, he must confront his former rival. Director: Brian A. Miller as Brian A Miller. Writers: Andre Fabrizio , Jeremy Passmore.

Added to Watchlist. From metacritic. Leading Men to Watch on Prime Video. Worst Films I've Ever Seen. Share this Rating Title: The Prince 4.

Use the HTML below. You must be a registered user to use the IMDb rating plugin. Edit Cast Cast overview, first billed only: Jason Patric Paul Jessica Lowndes Angela Gia Mantegna Beth Bruce Willis Omar Rain Sam 50 Cent The Pharmacy Don Harvey Riley Jesse Pruett Wilson Didi Costine Susan Tim Fields Jimmy Johnathon Schaech Frank Andrea Burns Janine Jim Bennett Learn more More Like This.

Precious Cargo Action Comedy Crime. A crime boss tries to make off with loot that belongs to another thief. Vice Action Adventure Sci-Fi.

Extraction II Action Thriller. Fire with Fire II Action Crime Drama. Setup I A group of friends become involved in a potentially deadly diamond heist.

Marauders Action Crime Thriller. Reprisal I Acts of Violence Additionally, being overly generous is not economical, because eventually all resources will be exhausted.

This results in higher taxes, and will bring grief upon the prince. Then, if he decides to discontinue or limit his generosity, he will be labeled as a miser.

Thus, Machiavelli summarizes that guarding against the people's hatred is more important than building up a reputation for generosity. A wise prince should be willing to be more reputed a miser than be hated for trying to be too generous.

On the other hand: "of what is not yours or your subjects' one can be a bigger giver, as were Cyrus , Caesar , and Alexander , because spending what is someone else's does not take reputation from you but adds it to you; only spending your own hurts you".

Machiavelli begins this chapter by addressing how mercy can be misused which will harm the prince and his dominion.

He ends by stating that a prince should not shrink from being cruel if it means that it will keep his subjects in line. After all, it will help him maintain his rule.

He gives the example of Cesare Borgia , whose cruelty protected him from rebellions. In addressing the question of whether it is better to be loved or feared, Machiavelli writes, "The answer is that one would like to be both the one and the other; but because it is difficult to combine them, it is far safer to be feared than loved if you cannot be both.

Yet, a prince must ensure that he is not feared to the point of hatred, which is very possible.

This chapter is possibly the most well-known of the work, and it is important because of the reasoning behind Machiavelli's famous idea that it is better to be feared than loved.

Above all, Machiavelli argues, a prince should not interfere with the property of their subjects or their women, and if they should try to kill someone, they should do it with a convenient justification.

Regarding the troops of the prince, fear is absolutely necessary to keep a large garrison united and a prince should not mind the thought of cruelty in that regard.

For a prince who leads his own army, it is imperative for him to observe cruelty because that is the only way he can command his soldiers' absolute respect.

Machiavelli compares two great military leaders: Hannibal and Scipio Africanus. Although Hannibal's army consisted of men of various races, they were never rebellious because they feared their leader.

Machiavelli says this required "inhuman cruelty" which he refers to as a virtue. Scipio's men, on the other hand, were known for their mutiny and dissension, due to Scipio's "excessive mercy" — which was, however, a source of glory because he lived in a republic.

Machiavelli notes that a prince is praised for keeping his word. However, he also notes that in reality, the most cunning princes succeed politically.

A prince, therefore, should only keep his word when it suits his purposes, but do his utmost to maintain the illusion that he does keep his word and that he is reliable in that regard.

Machiavelli advises the ruler to become a "great liar and deceiver", and that men are so easy to deceive, that the ruler won't have an issue with lying to others.

He justifies this by saying that men are wicked, and never keep their words, therefore the ruler doesn't have to keep his. As Machiavelli notes, "He should appear to be compassionate, faithful to his word, guileless, and devout.

And indeed he should be so. But his disposition should be such that, if he needs to be the opposite, he knows how. In this chapter, Machiavelli uses "beasts" as a metaphor for unscrupulous behavior.

He states that while lawful conduct is part of the nature of men, a prince should learn how to use the nature of both men and beasts wisely to ensure the stability of his regime.

In this chapter however, his focus is solely on the "beastly" natures. In employing this metaphor, Machiavelli apparently references De Officiis by the Roman orator and statesman Cicero , and subverts its conclusion, arguing instead that dishonorable behavior is sometimes politically necessary.

Machiavelli divides the fears which monarchs should have into internal domestic and external foreign fears. Internal fears exist inside his kingdom and focus on his subjects, Machiavelli warns to be suspicious of everyone when hostile attitudes emerge.

Machiavelli observes that the majority of men are content as long as they are not deprived of their property and women, and only a minority of men are ambitious enough to be a concern.

A prince should command respect through his conduct, because a prince who does not raise the contempt of the nobles and keeps the people satisfied, Machiavelli assures, should have no fear of conspirators working with external powers.

Conspiracy is very difficult and risky in such a situation. Machiavelli apparently seems to go back on his rule that a prince can evade hate, as he says that he will eventually be hated by someone, so he should seek to avoid being hated by the commonfolk.

Roman emperors, on the other hand, had not only the majority and ambitious minority, but also a cruel and greedy military, who created extra problems because they demanded.

While a prince should avoid being hated, he will eventually be hated by someone, so he must at least avoid the hatred of the most powerful, and for the Roman emperors this included the military who demanded iniquity against the people out of their own greed.

He uses Septimius Severus as a model for new rulers to emulate, as he "embodied both the fox and the lion". Severus outwitted and killed his military rivals, and although he oppressed the people, Machiavelli says that he kept the common people "satisfied and stupified".

Machiavelli notes that in his time only the Turkish empire had the problem of the Romans, because in other lands the people had become more powerful than the military.

Machiavelli mentions that placing fortresses in conquered territories, although it sometimes works, often fails.

Using fortresses can be a good plan, but Machiavelli says he shall "blame anyone who, trusting in fortresses, thinks little of being hated by the people".

He cited Caterina Sforza , who used a fortress to defend herself but was eventually betrayed by her people. A prince truly earns honour by completing great feats.

King Ferdinand of Spain is cited by Machiavelli as an example of a monarch who gained esteem by showing his ability through great feats and who, in the name of religion, conquered many territories and kept his subjects occupied so that they had no chance to rebel.

Regarding two warring states, Machiavelli asserts it is always wiser to choose a side, rather than to be neutral. Machiavelli then provides the following reasons why:.

Machiavelli also notes that it is wise for a prince not to ally with a stronger force unless compelled to do so.

In conclusion, the most important virtue is having the wisdom to discern what ventures will come with the most reward and then pursuing them courageously.

The selection of good servants is reflected directly upon the prince's intelligence, so if they are loyal, the prince is considered wise; however, when they are otherwise, the prince is open to adverse criticism.

Machiavelli asserts that there are three types of intelligence:. If the prince does not have the first type of intelligence, he should at the very least have the second type.

This chapter displays a low opinion of flatterers; Machiavelli notes that "Men are so happily absorbed in their own affairs and indulge in such self-deception that it is difficult for them not to fall victim to this plague; and some efforts to protect oneself from flatterers involve the risk of becoming despised.

A prudent prince should have a select group of wise counselors to advise him truthfully on matters all the time.

All their opinions should be taken into account. Ultimately, the decision should be made by the prince and carried out absolutely.

If a prince is given to changing his mind, his reputation will suffer. A prince must have the wisdom to recognize good advice from bad.

Machiavelli gives a negative example in Emperor Maximilian I ; Maximilian, who was secretive, never consulted others, but once he ordered his plans and met dissent, he immediately changed them.

After first mentioning that a new prince can quickly become as respected as a hereditary one, Machiavelli says princes in Italy who had longstanding power and lost it cannot blame bad luck, but should blame their own indolence.

One "should never fall in the belief that you can find someone to pick you up". They all showed a defect of arms already discussed and either had a hostile populace or did not know to secure themselves against the great.

As pointed out by Gilbert it was traditional in the genre of Mirrors of Princes to mention fortune, but "Fortune pervades The Prince as she does no other similar work".

Machiavelli argues that fortune is only the judge of half of our actions and that we have control over the other half with "sweat", prudence and virtue.

Even more unusual, rather than simply suggesting caution as a prudent way to try to avoid the worst of bad luck, Machiavelli holds that the greatest princes in history tend to be ones who take more risks, and rise to power through their own labour, virtue, prudence, and particularly by their ability to adapt to changing circumstances.

Machiavelli even encourages risk taking as a reaction to risk. In a well-known metaphor, Machiavelli writes that "it is better to be impetuous than cautious, because fortune is a woman; and it is necessary, if one wants to hold her down, to beat her and strike her down.

Machiavelli compares fortune to a torrential river that cannot be easily controlled during flooding season. In periods of calm, however, people can erect dams and levees in order to minimize its impact.

Fortune, Machiavelli argues, seems to strike at the places where no resistance is offered, as had recently been the case in Italy.

Machiavelli is indicating in this passage, as in some others in his works, that Christianity itself was making Italians helpless and lazy concerning their own politics, as if they would leave dangerous rivers uncontrolled.

Pope Leo X was pope at the time the book was written and a member of the de Medici family. This chapter directly appeals to the Medici to use what has been summarized in order to conquer Italy using Italian armies, following the advice in the book.

Gilbert —30 showed that including such exhortation was not unusual in the genre of books full of advice for princes. But it is unusual that the Medici family's position of Papal power is openly named as something that should be used as a personal power base, as a tool of secular politics.

Indeed, one example is the Borgia family's "recent" and controversial attempts to use church power in secular politics, often brutally executed.

This continues a controversial theme throughout the book. As shown by his letter of dedication, Machiavelli's work eventually came to be dedicated to Lorenzo di Piero de' Medici , grandson of " Lorenzo the Magnificent ", and a member of the ruling Florentine Medici family, whose uncle Giovanni became Pope Leo X in It is known from his personal correspondence that it was written during , the year after the Medici took control of Florence, and a few months after Machiavelli's arrest, torture, and banishment by the in-coming Medici regime.

It was discussed for a long time with Francesco Vettori — a friend of Machiavelli — whom he wanted to pass it and commend it to the Medici.

The book had originally been intended for Giuliano di Lorenzo de' Medici , young Lorenzo's uncle, who however died in The types of political behavior which are discussed with apparent approval by Machiavelli in The Prince were regarded as shocking by contemporaries, and its immorality is still a subject of serious discussion.

On the other hand, Strauss notes that "even if we were forced to grant that Machiavelli was essentially a patriot or a scientist, we would not be forced to deny that he was a teacher of evil".

Machiavelli emphasized the need for looking at the "effectual truth" verita effetuale , as opposed to relying on "imagined republics and principalities".

He states the difference between honorable behavior and criminal behavior by using the metaphor of animals, saying that "there are two ways of contending, one in accordance with the laws, the other by force; the first of which is proper to men, the second to beast".

Machiavelli took it for granted that would-be leaders naturally aim at glory or honour. He associated these goals with a need for " virtue " and " prudence " in a leader, and saw such virtues as essential to good politics.

That great men should develop and use their virtue and prudence was a traditional theme of advice to Christian princes. However, Machiavelli went far beyond other authors in his time, who in his opinion left things to fortune, and therefore to bad rulers, because of their Christian beliefs.

He used the words "virtue" and "prudence" to refer to glory-seeking and spirited excellence of character, in strong contrast to the traditional Christian uses of those terms, but more keeping with the original pre-Christian Greek and Roman concepts from which they derived.

So in another break with tradition, he treated not only stability, but also radical innovation , as possible aims of a prince in a political community.

Managing major reforms can show off a Prince's virtue and give him glory. He clearly felt Italy needed major reform in his time, and this opinion of his time is widely shared.

Machiavelli's descriptions encourage leaders to attempt to control their fortune gloriously, to the extreme extent that some situations may call for a fresh "founding" or re-founding of the "modes and orders" that define a community, despite the danger and necessary evil and lawlessness of such a project.

Founding a wholly new state, or even a new religion, using injustice and immorality has even been called the chief theme of The Prince. This is one of Machiavelli's most lasting influences upon modernity.

Nevertheless, Machiavelli was heavily influenced by classical pre-Christian political philosophy. Xenophon wrote one of the classic mirrors of princes, the Education of Cyrus.

Gilbert wrote: "The Cyrus of Xenophon was a hero to many a literary man of the sixteenth century, but for Machiavelli he lived".

Xenophon also, as Strauss pointed out, wrote a dialogue, Hiero which showed a wise man dealing sympathetically with a tyrant, coming close to what Machiavelli would do in uprooting the ideal of "the imagined prince".

Xenophon however, like Plato and Aristotle, was a follower of Socrates , and his works show approval of a " teleological argument ", while Machiavelli rejected such arguments.

On this matter, Strauss —23 gives evidence that Machiavelli may have seen himself as having learned something from Democritus , Epicurus and classical materialism , which was however not associated with political realism, or even any interest in politics.

On the topic of rhetoric Machiavelli, in his introduction, stated that "I have not embellished or crammed this book with rounded periods or big, impressive words, or with any blandishment or superfluous decoration of the kind which many are in the habit of using to describe or adorn what they have produced".

This has been interpreted as showing a distancing from traditional rhetoric styles, but there are echoes of classical rhetoric in several areas.

In Chapter 18, for example, he uses a metaphor of a lion and a fox, examples of force and cunning; according to Zerba , "the Roman author from whom Machiavelli in all likelihood drew the simile of the lion and the fox" was Cicero.

The Rhetorica ad Herennium , a work which was believed during Machiavelli's time to have been written by Cicero, was used widely to teach rhetoric, and it is likely that Machiavelli was familiar with it.

Unlike Cicero's more widely accepted works however, according to Cox , "Ad Herennium This makes it an ideal text for Machiavelli to have used.

Three principal writers took the field against Machiavelli between the publication of his works and their condemnation in and again by the Tridentine Index in Machiavelli's ideas on how to accrue honour and power as a leader had a profound impact on political leaders throughout the modern west, helped by the new technology of the printing press.

Pole reported that it was spoken of highly by his enemy Thomas Cromwell in England, and had influenced Henry VIII in his turn towards Protestantism , and in his tactics, for example during the Pilgrimage of Grace.

As Bireley reports, in the 16th century, Catholic writers "associated Machiavelli with the Protestants, whereas Protestant authors saw him as Italian and Catholic".

In fact, he was apparently influencing both Catholic and Protestant kings. One of the most important early works dedicated to criticism of Machiavelli, especially The Prince , was that of the Huguenot , Innocent Gentillet , Discourse against Machiavelli , commonly also referred to as Anti Machiavel , published in Geneva in This became the theme of much future political discourse in Europe during the 17th century.

They accepted the need for a prince to be concerned with reputation, and even a need for cunning and deceit, but compared to Machiavelli, and like later modernist writers, they emphasized economic progress much more than the riskier ventures of war.

These authors tended to cite Tacitus as their source for realist political advice, rather than Machiavelli, and this pretense came to be known as " Tacitism ".

Modern materialist philosophy developed in the 16th, 17th and 18th century, starting in the generations after Machiavelli. Although he was not always mentioned by name as an inspiration, due to his controversy, he is also thought to have been an influence for other major philosophers, such as Montaigne , [58] Descartes , [59] Hobbes , Locke [60] and Montesquieu.

This interpretation was famously put forth by scholar Garrett Mattingly , who stated that "In some ways, Machiavelli's little treatise was just like all the other "Mirrors of Princes", in other ways it was a diabolical burlesque of all of them, like a political Black Mass.

This position was taken up previously by some of the more prominent Enlightenment philosophes. Diderot speculated that it was a work designed not to mock, but to secretly expose corrupt princely rule.

Machiavelli was a proper man and a good citizen; but, being attached to the court of the Medici, he could not help veiling his love of liberty in the midst of his country's oppression.

The choice of his detestable hero, Cesare Borgia , clearly enough shows his hidden aim; and the contradiction between the teaching of the Prince and that of the Discourses on Livy and the History of Florence shows that this profound political thinker has so far been studied only by superficial or corrupt readers.

The Court of Rome sternly prohibited his book. I can well believe it; for it is that Court it most clearly portrays.

Whether or not the word "satire" is the best choice, the interpretation is very rare amongst those who study Machiavelli's works, for example Isaiah Berlin states that he can't find anything other than Machiavelli's work that "reads less" like a satirical piece.

Mary Dietz, in her essay Trapping The Prince , writes that Machiavelli's agenda was not to be satirical, as Rousseau had argued, but instead was "offering carefully crafted advice such as arming the people designed to undo the ruler if taken seriously and followed.

She focuses on three categories in which Machiavelli gives paradoxical advice:. According to Dietz the trap never succeeded because Lorenzo — "a suspicious prince" — apparently never read the work of the "former republican.

The Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci argued that Machiavelli's audience for this work was not the classes who already rule or have "hegemony" over the common people, but the common people themselves, trying to establish a new hegemony, and making Machiavelli the first "Italian Jacobin ".

Hans Baron is one of the few major commentators who argues that Machiavelli must have changed his mind dramatically in favour of free republics, after having written The Prince.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Prince disambiguation. This is letter in the translated correspondence edition of James B.

Atkinson and David Sices: Machiavelli Retrieved Strauss says that "Machiavelli indicates his fundamental disagreement with Aristotle's doctrine of the whole by substituting " chance " caso for " nature " in the only context in which he speaks of "the beginning of the world.

The Prince. Thoughts on Machiavelli. University of Chicago Press. The Prince: Second Edition. Machiavelli's Prince and Its Forerunners.

Winter History of Political Thought. On the other hand Strauss , p. Concerning patriotism Strauss —11 writes that "Machiavelli understood it as collective selfishness.

Of particular interest for example, are some of his letters to Francesco Vettori and Francesco Guicciardini , two men who had managed to stay in public service under the Medici, unlike Machiavelli.

To Guicciardini for example he wrote concerning the selection of a preacher for Florence, that he would like a hypocritical one, and "I believe that the following would be the true way to go to Paradise: learn the way to Hell in order to steer clear of it.

That the desire for glory of spirited young men can and should be allowed or even encouraged, because it is how the best rulers come to be, is a theory expressed most famously by Plato in his Republic.

See Strauss But as Strauss points out, Plato asserts that there is a higher type of life, and Machiavelli does not seem to accept this.

Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

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Other than that - avoid. I am sure I could have done something better with the last 90 minutes of my life. Oh I have to add more lines Guns, druggies, bad acting, underwhelming locations, more bad acting, odd cars, bad filming, awful director, terrible lighting, strange Japanese man, Just odd.

Could have been great and I am so disappointed. No spoilers - because you can predict the film start to finish.

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Photo Gallery. Trailers and Videos. Crazy Credits. Alternate Versions. Rate This. When his daughter is kidnapped, a retired assassin is drawn back into the life he gave up.

To rescue her, he must confront his former rival. Director: Brian A. Miller as Brian A Miller. Writers: Andre Fabrizio , Jeremy Passmore.

Added to Watchlist. From metacritic. Leading Men to Watch on Prime Video. Worst Films I've Ever Seen.

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Edit Cast Cast overview, first billed only: Jason Patric Paul Jessica Lowndes Angela Gia Mantegna Beth Bruce Willis Omar Rain Sam 50 Cent The Pharmacy Don Harvey Riley Jesse Pruett Wilson Didi Costine Susan Tim Fields Jimmy Johnathon Schaech Frank Andrea Burns Janine Jim Bennett Learn more More Like This.

Precious Cargo Action Comedy Crime. A crime boss tries to make off with loot that belongs to another thief.

Vice Action Adventure Sci-Fi. Extraction II Action Thriller. Fire with Fire II He believes that by taking this profession an aspiring prince will be able to acquire a state, and will be able to maintain what he has gained.

He claims that "being disarmed makes you despised. The two activities Machiavelli recommends practicing to prepare for war are physical and mental.

Physically, he believes rulers should learn the landscape of their territories. Mentally, he encouraged the study of past military events.

He also warns against idleness. This section is one where Machiavelli's pragmatic ideal can be seen most clearly.

Machiavelli reasons that since princes come across men who are evil, he should learn how to be equally evil himself, and use this ability or not according to necessity.

Concerning the behavior of a prince toward his subjects, Machiavelli announces that he will depart from what other writers say, and writes:.

Men have imagined republics and principalities that never really existed at all. Yet the way men live is so far removed from the way they ought to live that anyone who abandons what is for what should be pursues his downfall rather than his preservation; for a man who strives after goodness in all his acts is sure to come to ruin, since there are so many men who are not good.

Since there are many possible qualities that a prince can be said to possess, he must not be overly concerned about having all the good ones.

Also, a prince may be perceived to be merciful, faithful, humane, frank, and religious, but most important is only to seem to have these qualities.

A prince cannot truly have these qualities because at times it is necessary to act against them. In fact, he must sometimes deliberately choose evil.

Although a bad reputation should be avoided, it is sometimes necessary to have one. If a prince is overly generous to his subjects, Machiavelli asserts he will not be appreciated, and will only cause greed for more.

Additionally, being overly generous is not economical, because eventually all resources will be exhausted. This results in higher taxes, and will bring grief upon the prince.

Then, if he decides to discontinue or limit his generosity, he will be labeled as a miser. Thus, Machiavelli summarizes that guarding against the people's hatred is more important than building up a reputation for generosity.

A wise prince should be willing to be more reputed a miser than be hated for trying to be too generous. On the other hand: "of what is not yours or your subjects' one can be a bigger giver, as were Cyrus , Caesar , and Alexander , because spending what is someone else's does not take reputation from you but adds it to you; only spending your own hurts you".

Machiavelli begins this chapter by addressing how mercy can be misused which will harm the prince and his dominion.

He ends by stating that a prince should not shrink from being cruel if it means that it will keep his subjects in line. After all, it will help him maintain his rule.

He gives the example of Cesare Borgia , whose cruelty protected him from rebellions. In addressing the question of whether it is better to be loved or feared, Machiavelli writes, "The answer is that one would like to be both the one and the other; but because it is difficult to combine them, it is far safer to be feared than loved if you cannot be both.

Yet, a prince must ensure that he is not feared to the point of hatred, which is very possible. This chapter is possibly the most well-known of the work, and it is important because of the reasoning behind Machiavelli's famous idea that it is better to be feared than loved.

Above all, Machiavelli argues, a prince should not interfere with the property of their subjects or their women, and if they should try to kill someone, they should do it with a convenient justification.

Regarding the troops of the prince, fear is absolutely necessary to keep a large garrison united and a prince should not mind the thought of cruelty in that regard.

For a prince who leads his own army, it is imperative for him to observe cruelty because that is the only way he can command his soldiers' absolute respect.

Machiavelli compares two great military leaders: Hannibal and Scipio Africanus. Although Hannibal's army consisted of men of various races, they were never rebellious because they feared their leader.

Machiavelli says this required "inhuman cruelty" which he refers to as a virtue. Scipio's men, on the other hand, were known for their mutiny and dissension, due to Scipio's "excessive mercy" — which was, however, a source of glory because he lived in a republic.

Machiavelli notes that a prince is praised for keeping his word. However, he also notes that in reality, the most cunning princes succeed politically.

A prince, therefore, should only keep his word when it suits his purposes, but do his utmost to maintain the illusion that he does keep his word and that he is reliable in that regard.

Machiavelli advises the ruler to become a "great liar and deceiver", and that men are so easy to deceive, that the ruler won't have an issue with lying to others.

He justifies this by saying that men are wicked, and never keep their words, therefore the ruler doesn't have to keep his.

As Machiavelli notes, "He should appear to be compassionate, faithful to his word, guileless, and devout. And indeed he should be so.

But his disposition should be such that, if he needs to be the opposite, he knows how. In this chapter, Machiavelli uses "beasts" as a metaphor for unscrupulous behavior.

He states that while lawful conduct is part of the nature of men, a prince should learn how to use the nature of both men and beasts wisely to ensure the stability of his regime.

In this chapter however, his focus is solely on the "beastly" natures. In employing this metaphor, Machiavelli apparently references De Officiis by the Roman orator and statesman Cicero , and subverts its conclusion, arguing instead that dishonorable behavior is sometimes politically necessary.

Machiavelli divides the fears which monarchs should have into internal domestic and external foreign fears. Internal fears exist inside his kingdom and focus on his subjects, Machiavelli warns to be suspicious of everyone when hostile attitudes emerge.

Machiavelli observes that the majority of men are content as long as they are not deprived of their property and women, and only a minority of men are ambitious enough to be a concern.

A prince should command respect through his conduct, because a prince who does not raise the contempt of the nobles and keeps the people satisfied, Machiavelli assures, should have no fear of conspirators working with external powers.

Conspiracy is very difficult and risky in such a situation. Machiavelli apparently seems to go back on his rule that a prince can evade hate, as he says that he will eventually be hated by someone, so he should seek to avoid being hated by the commonfolk.

Roman emperors, on the other hand, had not only the majority and ambitious minority, but also a cruel and greedy military, who created extra problems because they demanded.

While a prince should avoid being hated, he will eventually be hated by someone, so he must at least avoid the hatred of the most powerful, and for the Roman emperors this included the military who demanded iniquity against the people out of their own greed.

He uses Septimius Severus as a model for new rulers to emulate, as he "embodied both the fox and the lion". Severus outwitted and killed his military rivals, and although he oppressed the people, Machiavelli says that he kept the common people "satisfied and stupified".

Machiavelli notes that in his time only the Turkish empire had the problem of the Romans, because in other lands the people had become more powerful than the military.

Machiavelli mentions that placing fortresses in conquered territories, although it sometimes works, often fails.

Using fortresses can be a good plan, but Machiavelli says he shall "blame anyone who, trusting in fortresses, thinks little of being hated by the people".

He cited Caterina Sforza , who used a fortress to defend herself but was eventually betrayed by her people.

A prince truly earns honour by completing great feats. King Ferdinand of Spain is cited by Machiavelli as an example of a monarch who gained esteem by showing his ability through great feats and who, in the name of religion, conquered many territories and kept his subjects occupied so that they had no chance to rebel.

Regarding two warring states, Machiavelli asserts it is always wiser to choose a side, rather than to be neutral. Machiavelli then provides the following reasons why:.

Machiavelli also notes that it is wise for a prince not to ally with a stronger force unless compelled to do so. In conclusion, the most important virtue is having the wisdom to discern what ventures will come with the most reward and then pursuing them courageously.

The selection of good servants is reflected directly upon the prince's intelligence, so if they are loyal, the prince is considered wise; however, when they are otherwise, the prince is open to adverse criticism.

Machiavelli asserts that there are three types of intelligence:. If the prince does not have the first type of intelligence, he should at the very least have the second type.

This chapter displays a low opinion of flatterers; Machiavelli notes that "Men are so happily absorbed in their own affairs and indulge in such self-deception that it is difficult for them not to fall victim to this plague; and some efforts to protect oneself from flatterers involve the risk of becoming despised.

A prudent prince should have a select group of wise counselors to advise him truthfully on matters all the time. All their opinions should be taken into account.

Ultimately, the decision should be made by the prince and carried out absolutely. If a prince is given to changing his mind, his reputation will suffer.

A prince must have the wisdom to recognize good advice from bad. Machiavelli gives a negative example in Emperor Maximilian I ; Maximilian, who was secretive, never consulted others, but once he ordered his plans and met dissent, he immediately changed them.

After first mentioning that a new prince can quickly become as respected as a hereditary one, Machiavelli says princes in Italy who had longstanding power and lost it cannot blame bad luck, but should blame their own indolence.

One "should never fall in the belief that you can find someone to pick you up". They all showed a defect of arms already discussed and either had a hostile populace or did not know to secure themselves against the great.

As pointed out by Gilbert it was traditional in the genre of Mirrors of Princes to mention fortune, but "Fortune pervades The Prince as she does no other similar work".

Machiavelli argues that fortune is only the judge of half of our actions and that we have control over the other half with "sweat", prudence and virtue.

Even more unusual, rather than simply suggesting caution as a prudent way to try to avoid the worst of bad luck, Machiavelli holds that the greatest princes in history tend to be ones who take more risks, and rise to power through their own labour, virtue, prudence, and particularly by their ability to adapt to changing circumstances.

Machiavelli even encourages risk taking as a reaction to risk. In a well-known metaphor, Machiavelli writes that "it is better to be impetuous than cautious, because fortune is a woman; and it is necessary, if one wants to hold her down, to beat her and strike her down.

Machiavelli compares fortune to a torrential river that cannot be easily controlled during flooding season. In periods of calm, however, people can erect dams and levees in order to minimize its impact.

Fortune, Machiavelli argues, seems to strike at the places where no resistance is offered, as had recently been the case in Italy.

Machiavelli is indicating in this passage, as in some others in his works, that Christianity itself was making Italians helpless and lazy concerning their own politics, as if they would leave dangerous rivers uncontrolled.

Pope Leo X was pope at the time the book was written and a member of the de Medici family. This chapter directly appeals to the Medici to use what has been summarized in order to conquer Italy using Italian armies, following the advice in the book.

Gilbert —30 showed that including such exhortation was not unusual in the genre of books full of advice for princes.

But it is unusual that the Medici family's position of Papal power is openly named as something that should be used as a personal power base, as a tool of secular politics.

Indeed, one example is the Borgia family's "recent" and controversial attempts to use church power in secular politics, often brutally executed.

This continues a controversial theme throughout the book. As shown by his letter of dedication, Machiavelli's work eventually came to be dedicated to Lorenzo di Piero de' Medici , grandson of " Lorenzo the Magnificent ", and a member of the ruling Florentine Medici family, whose uncle Giovanni became Pope Leo X in It is known from his personal correspondence that it was written during , the year after the Medici took control of Florence, and a few months after Machiavelli's arrest, torture, and banishment by the in-coming Medici regime.

It was discussed for a long time with Francesco Vettori — a friend of Machiavelli — whom he wanted to pass it and commend it to the Medici.

The book had originally been intended for Giuliano di Lorenzo de' Medici , young Lorenzo's uncle, who however died in The types of political behavior which are discussed with apparent approval by Machiavelli in The Prince were regarded as shocking by contemporaries, and its immorality is still a subject of serious discussion.

On the other hand, Strauss notes that "even if we were forced to grant that Machiavelli was essentially a patriot or a scientist, we would not be forced to deny that he was a teacher of evil".

Machiavelli emphasized the need for looking at the "effectual truth" verita effetuale , as opposed to relying on "imagined republics and principalities".

He states the difference between honorable behavior and criminal behavior by using the metaphor of animals, saying that "there are two ways of contending, one in accordance with the laws, the other by force; the first of which is proper to men, the second to beast".

Machiavelli took it for granted that would-be leaders naturally aim at glory or honour. He associated these goals with a need for " virtue " and " prudence " in a leader, and saw such virtues as essential to good politics.

That great men should develop and use their virtue and prudence was a traditional theme of advice to Christian princes.

However, Machiavelli went far beyond other authors in his time, who in his opinion left things to fortune, and therefore to bad rulers, because of their Christian beliefs.

He used the words "virtue" and "prudence" to refer to glory-seeking and spirited excellence of character, in strong contrast to the traditional Christian uses of those terms, but more keeping with the original pre-Christian Greek and Roman concepts from which they derived.

So in another break with tradition, he treated not only stability, but also radical innovation , as possible aims of a prince in a political community.

Managing major reforms can show off a Prince's virtue and give him glory. He clearly felt Italy needed major reform in his time, and this opinion of his time is widely shared.

Machiavelli's descriptions encourage leaders to attempt to control their fortune gloriously, to the extreme extent that some situations may call for a fresh "founding" or re-founding of the "modes and orders" that define a community, despite the danger and necessary evil and lawlessness of such a project.

Founding a wholly new state, or even a new religion, using injustice and immorality has even been called the chief theme of The Prince.

This is one of Machiavelli's most lasting influences upon modernity. Nevertheless, Machiavelli was heavily influenced by classical pre-Christian political philosophy.

Xenophon wrote one of the classic mirrors of princes, the Education of Cyrus. Gilbert wrote: "The Cyrus of Xenophon was a hero to many a literary man of the sixteenth century, but for Machiavelli he lived".

Xenophon also, as Strauss pointed out, wrote a dialogue, Hiero which showed a wise man dealing sympathetically with a tyrant, coming close to what Machiavelli would do in uprooting the ideal of "the imagined prince".

Xenophon however, like Plato and Aristotle, was a follower of Socrates , and his works show approval of a " teleological argument ", while Machiavelli rejected such arguments.

On this matter, Strauss —23 gives evidence that Machiavelli may have seen himself as having learned something from Democritus , Epicurus and classical materialism , which was however not associated with political realism, or even any interest in politics.

On the topic of rhetoric Machiavelli, in his introduction, stated that "I have not embellished or crammed this book with rounded periods or big, impressive words, or with any blandishment or superfluous decoration of the kind which many are in the habit of using to describe or adorn what they have produced".

This has been interpreted as showing a distancing from traditional rhetoric styles, but there are echoes of classical rhetoric in several areas.

In Chapter 18, for example, he uses a metaphor of a lion and a fox, examples of force and cunning; according to Zerba , "the Roman author from whom Machiavelli in all likelihood drew the simile of the lion and the fox" was Cicero.

The Rhetorica ad Herennium , a work which was believed during Machiavelli's time to have been written by Cicero, was used widely to teach rhetoric, and it is likely that Machiavelli was familiar with it.

Unlike Cicero's more widely accepted works however, according to Cox , "Ad Herennium This makes it an ideal text for Machiavelli to have used.

Three principal writers took the field against Machiavelli between the publication of his works and their condemnation in and again by the Tridentine Index in Machiavelli's ideas on how to accrue honour and power as a leader had a profound impact on political leaders throughout the modern west, helped by the new technology of the printing press.

Pole reported that it was spoken of highly by his enemy Thomas Cromwell in England, and had influenced Henry VIII in his turn towards Protestantism , and in his tactics, for example during the Pilgrimage of Grace.

As Bireley reports, in the 16th century, Catholic writers "associated Machiavelli with the Protestants, whereas Protestant authors saw him as Italian and Catholic".

In fact, he was apparently influencing both Catholic and Protestant kings. One of the most important early works dedicated to criticism of Machiavelli, especially The Prince , was that of the Huguenot , Innocent Gentillet , Discourse against Machiavelli , commonly also referred to as Anti Machiavel , published in Geneva in This became the theme of much future political discourse in Europe during the 17th century.

They accepted the need for a prince to be concerned with reputation, and even a need for cunning and deceit, but compared to Machiavelli, and like later modernist writers, they emphasized economic progress much more than the riskier ventures of war.

These authors tended to cite Tacitus as their source for realist political advice, rather than Machiavelli, and this pretense came to be known as " Tacitism ".

Modern materialist philosophy developed in the 16th, 17th and 18th century, starting in the generations after Machiavelli.

Although he was not always mentioned by name as an inspiration, due to his controversy, he is also thought to have been an influence for other major philosophers, such as Montaigne , [58] Descartes , [59] Hobbes , Locke [60] and Montesquieu.

This interpretation was famously put forth by scholar Garrett Mattingly , who stated that "In some ways, Machiavelli's little treatise was just like all the other "Mirrors of Princes", in other ways it was a diabolical burlesque of all of them, like a political Black Mass.

This position was taken up previously by some of the more prominent Enlightenment philosophes. Diderot speculated that it was a work designed not to mock, but to secretly expose corrupt princely rule.

Machiavelli was a proper man and a good citizen; but, being attached to the court of the Medici, he could not help veiling his love of liberty in the midst of his country's oppression.

The choice of his detestable hero, Cesare Borgia , clearly enough shows his hidden aim; and the contradiction between the teaching of the Prince and that of the Discourses on Livy and the History of Florence shows that this profound political thinker has so far been studied only by superficial or corrupt readers.

The Court of Rome sternly prohibited his book. I can well believe it; for it is that Court it most clearly portrays.

Whether or not the word "satire" is the best choice, the interpretation is very rare amongst those who study Machiavelli's works, for example Isaiah Berlin states that he can't find anything other than Machiavelli's work that "reads less" like a satirical piece.

Mary Dietz, in her essay Trapping The Prince , writes that Machiavelli's agenda was not to be satirical, as Rousseau had argued, but instead was "offering carefully crafted advice such as arming the people designed to undo the ruler if taken seriously and followed.

She focuses on three categories in which Machiavelli gives paradoxical advice:. According to Dietz the trap never succeeded because Lorenzo — "a suspicious prince" — apparently never read the work of the "former republican.

The Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci argued that Machiavelli's audience for this work was not the classes who already rule or have "hegemony" over the common people, but the common people themselves, trying to establish a new hegemony, and making Machiavelli the first "Italian Jacobin ".

Hans Baron is one of the few major commentators who argues that Machiavelli must have changed his mind dramatically in favour of free republics, after having written The Prince.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Prince disambiguation. This is letter in the translated correspondence edition of James B.

Atkinson and David Sices: Machiavelli

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